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As is made clear in the debunking of the lie of St. Maurice page, the nonsense stories of St. Maurice and the Ambassador/Visitors from Kongo/Congo Africa, are some of the Albino peoples favorite ways to hide and obfuscate the reality of Black European Royals, Nobles, and Knights, during the medieval period. Please remember, as you study these exhibits that are offered as evidence, that the Albino people have total control over all artifacts: they can Change them, Lie about who they are, Add labels that weren't originally there, and create copies looking however they want them to look.
Accordingly, here you will find some artifacts that were obviously recently created to support this totally incredulous and stupid story of the Kongo Ambassador to the Vatican. Please read the text carefully, sound logic, common sense, and attention to detail, are the tools that we use to uncover and expose the Albino peoples false histories and general disinformation. Luckily for us, one of our most useful tools is the simple fact that no one person knows all history. So it is often the case that one Albino lie can be debunked by another Albinos simple presentation of what is presumed to be unimportant history.
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Kingdom of the Kongo History From the B.B.C. World Service - The Story of Africa.
The origins of the Kongo lie in a number of small Iron Age communities lying just north of the Malebo Pool in the River Congo (formerly River Zaire). This strategic location provided fertile soil, iron and copper ore, a rich source of fish, and a river which was navigable for thousands of miles upstream. By the early 15th century these communities had grown in wealth and size to form a loose federation centred on one kingdom, led by a king or Manikongo. Following the defeat of a branch of the Mbundu, the focus of power had shifted 200 kilometres south west, south of the River Kongo, where a capital was established called Mbanza Kongo (Sao Salvador under Portuguese rule).
A broad range of crafts emerged from the Kongo and its client states: metal work, pottery and raffia textiles, much of it practised exclusively by the ruling class. The expansion of the Kongo was effected less through military conquest, and more through trade, alliances and marriages. The sovereignty of the Manikongo was exercised through a number of governors. To the west and north were three important states, which were allies - Loango, Ngoyo and Kakongo.
At its height, Kongo was the biggest state in western Central Africa. It stretched from the Atlantic in the west to the Kwango River in the east, encompassing what today is northern Angola, part of DR Kongo and part of Congo Brazzaville. The first European to arrive in sub-Saharan Africa was the Portuguese navigator, Diogo Cao. Having come south down the coast from what is now Elmina in Ghana, he sailed into the estuary of the River Congo. His initial encounter with the people of Soyo, on the coast, made it immediately clear that he was on the edge of a great empire. When asked who the ruler of the region was, he was told of the Manikongo and his seat of power was in Mbanza Kongo, which was over 300 km inland.
The BaKongo, located as they were in the lower basin of the River Kongo, traded copper and iron for salt, food and raffia textiles. Within a few years of the Portuguese arriving in the estuary the BaKongo were trading with them. Slaves were an important aspect of that trade from the beginning, but the Portuguese also imported copper, silver, ivory and peppers. The BaKongo took a broader view of what they wanted from the Portuguese. They were interested in textiles, horses and crafted goods, in particular those made of metal. They also wanted to acquire skills - the skills of masons and carpenters to build European style buildings, and education and literacy, in order to communicate directly with Europe.
When Portuguese arrived in Kongo in 1483, Nzinga a Nkuwu was the manikongo. In 1491 both he and his son, Mvemba a Nzinga, were baptized and assumed Christian names: João I Nzinga a Nkuwu and Afonso I Mvemba a Nzinga, respectively. The rulers of the Kongo, starting with Manikongo (or king) Nzinga a Nkuwu, demonstrated a strong fascination with the Christianity which the Portuguese brought with them. Having made contact with each other, the two kings - Nzinga a Nkuwu, the Manikongo, (or king of the Kongo), and King Joao II of Portugal began what in later years under their successors was to become an intensely religious relationship, and the Manikongo developed a fascination for all things European. Within eight years of first arriving, the Portuguese had made a deep impression on the ruling class of the Kongo. Four young Bakongo men were sent to be educated in Portugal.
The newly named Dom Joao I took possession of an entourage of carpenters and masons, large amounts of European cloth, a selection of horses and cattle, and a piece of revolutionary technology: a printing press, complete with two German printers. The first printing press had only been invented forty years earlier. When Alfonso became king in 1506, he set out to learn everything there was to learn about the Portuguese ruling class, court etiquette, the laws of the country and the Catholic Church. (After an initial bout of enthusiasm, his father Dom Joao I commitment to Christianity had faded). Later, Affonso's son, Henrique Kinu a Mvemba, was to become the first black Bishop in the Catholic Church. The Franciscan missionary Rui d'Aguiar was amazed at King Alfonso's piety and dedication:
"It seems to me from the way he speaks he is not a man, but an angel, sent by the Lord in this kingdom to convert it. For I assure you, it is he who instructs us. He devotes himself entirely to study, so that it often happens that he falls asleep at his books, and often he forgets to eat and drink in talking of the things of our Lord."
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In 1512 the King of Portugal ordered a coat of arms be drawn up for the Manikongo. But good will between kings and the piety of the newly converted king were not enough to deal with the rush of commercial greed which soon enveloped the Kongo. The demand for manpower in the New World meant the slave trade soon took over all other commercial transactions, and it attracted a mass of rootless, ruthless entrepreneurs, some BaKongo, or neighbours of the BaKongo, some Portuguese and people from mixed races.
As early as 1514, the Manikongo, Affonso I, complains, writing from his palace in Mbanza Kongo, to Manuel I about the behaviour of the former Governor of Sao Tome Fernao de Melo:
"He sold our goods at the lowest price possible. With the money he bought a slave from Goa and another. He sent us them in one of the first ships, saying they were the carpenters. At the same time he sent us some blue cloth all gnawed by rats... all this we have been able to endure because of the love of our Jesus Christ." Later on in Affonso's reign, it was obvious that whatever the initial rewards in terms of material goods and skills, the slave trade was beginning to undermine the fabric of the kingdom. On 18th October 1526, Affonso complained to the Portuguese King. He claimed the slave trade was robbing the country of its best men.
"Sir, there is in our kingdom, a great obstacle to God. Many of our subjects crave the Portuguese merchandise which your people bring to our kingdom so keenly. In order to satisfy their crazy appetite they snatch our free subjects, or people who have been freed. They even take noblemen and the sons of noblemen, even our kinsmen. They sell them to white men who are in our kingdom, after having transported their prisoners on the sly in the dead of night. Then the prisoners are branded. The white men... cannot say from whom they have bought the prisoners."
As the 17th century proceeded, the voracious demands of the slave trade and the breakdown of loyalty among Kongo's client states, all conspired to undermine the position of the Manikongo. The special relationship between the BaKongo and the Portuguese turned sour, as alliances and enmities increasingly turned solely on profit. In 1665 the Kongo army was defeated by the Portuguese at the battle of Mbwila. The head of the Manikongo was cut off and put in the chapel situated on the bay of Luanda.Posts: 22721 | Registered: Oct 2005
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The system of alternating succession broke down in 1764, when Álvaro XI, a Kinlaza drove out the Kimpanzu king Pedro V and took over the throne. Pedro and his successor in Luvata maintained a separate court at Sembo, and never acknowledged the usurpation. A regent of Pedro's successor claimed the throne in the early 1780s and pressed his claims against a José I, a Kinlaza from the Mbidizi Valley branch of the royal family. José won the showdown, fought at São Salvador in 1781, a massive battle involving 30,000 soldiers on José's side alone. To show his contempt for his defeated rival, José refused to allow the soldiers of the other faction to receive Christian burial. José's power was limited, as he had no sway over the lands controlled by the Kinlaza faction of Lemba and Matari, even though they were technically of the same family, and he did not follow up his victory to extend his authority over the Kimpanzu lands around Luvota. At the same time, the lands around Mount Kibangu, Pedro IV's original base was controlled, as it had been for the whole eighteenth century by members of the Água Rosada family, who claimed descent from both the Kimpanzu and Kinlaza.
José ruled until 1785, when he handed power over to his brother Afonso V (1785–87). Afonso's brief reign ended in his sudden death, rumored to be poisoning. A confused struggle broke out following Afonso's death. By 1794, the throne ended up in the hands of Henrique I, a man of uncertain factional origin, who arranged for three parties to divide the succession. Garcia V abrogated the arrangement, proclaiming himself king in 1805. He ruled until 1830. André II, who followed Garcia V, appeared to have restored the older rotational claims, as he was from the northern branch of the Kinlaza, whose capital had moved from Matadi to Manga. Andre ruled until 1842 when Henrique II, from the southern (Mbidizi Valley) branch of the same family, overthrew him. Andre, however, did not accept his fate and withdrew with his followers to Mbanza Mputo, a village just beyond the edge of São Salvador, where he and his descendants kept up their claims. King Henrique II, who came to power after overthrowing André II, ruled Kongo from 1842 until his death in 1857.
(There is no evidence that King Henrique II had a son named Nicolau).
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In 1839 the Portuguese government, acting on British pressure, abolished the slave trade south of the equator which had so damaged Central Africa. Human trafficking continued until well into the 1920s, first as an illegal slave trade, then as contract labour. A commodity trade, at first focused on ivory and wax, but gradually growing to include peanuts and rubber, replaced the slave trade. This trade revolutionized the economies and eventually the politics of the whole of Central Africa. In place of the slave trade, largely under the control of state authorities, thousands, and eventually hundreds of thousands of commoners began carrying goods from inland to coastal ports. These people managed to share in the wealth of the new trade, and as a result, commercially connected people constructed new villages and challenged the authorities.
During this period social structure changed as well. New social organizations, makanda emerged. These makanda, nominally clans descended from common ancestors, were as much trading associations as family units. These clans founded strings of villages connected by fictional kinship along the trade routes, from Boma or the coast of Soyo to São Salvador and then on into the interior. A new oral traditions about the founder of the kingdom, often held to be Afonso I, described the kingdom as originating when the king caused the clans to disperse in all directions. The histories of these clans, typically describing the travels of their founder and his followers from an origin point to their final villages, replaced in many areas the history of the kingdom itself.
Despite violent rivalries and the fracturing of the kingdom, it continued to exist independently well into the 19th century. The rise of the clans became noticeable in the 1850s at the end of the reign of Henrique II. In 1855 or 1856, two potential kings emerged to contest the succession following his death. Álvaro Ndongo claimed the throne on behalf of the Kinlaza faction of Matari (ignoring the existence of Andre's group at Mbanza Puto), calling himself Álvaro XIII and Pedro Lelo claimed the throne on behalf of the Mbidizi Valley faction of the Kinlaza from a base at Bembe. Pedro won the contest, thanks to soliciting Portuguese aid, and with their help his soldiers defeated Álvaro. Like André II, Álvaro XIII did not accept defeat and established his own base at Nkunga, not far from São Salvador. The Portuguese support which had put Pedro V on the throne had a price, for when he was crowned Pedro V (he was actually the second king named Pedro V, the first one was the ruler in the late 1770s) in 1857 he also swore a treaty of vassalage to Portugal. Portugal gained nominal authority over Kongo, and even constructed a fort in São Salvador to house a garrison.
End conventional Kongo history.
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Now the completely made-up story of Antonio Manuel, Marquis of Ne Vunda: Ambassador from Kongo
This whole nonsense about a Kongo Ambassador to the Vatican seems to have started when someone realized that people would ask questions about this Bust of a Black European Huntsman/Knight/noble, that is mounted in the Saint Mary Major Basilica. As with the statues of Black Knights in European Churches, that were falsely called Saint Maurice, many statues and Paintings of Blacks in the Vatican also had to be explained, so they were attributed to the Kongo Ambassador to the Vatican. Whether that is because of laziness or stupidity we do not know. As should be expected from a silly, made-up story: there are many names/spellings used. And because these are real people, who identities are being usurped, they all look different.
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From the Book: The Image of the Black in Western Art III part 1. Edited by David Bindman, Karen C. C. Dalton, Henry Louis Gates: (we wonder if he ever does any actual research).
Quote: For a few years there was no response to Pope Clement’s request for a Kongo ambassador, but in 1604 King Alvaro II of Kongo decided to send a cousin, Antonio Manuel, Marquis of Ne Vunda, as an official and high-level envoy to the pope. This embassy took well over three years to arrive in Rome, traveling via Brazil, Lisbon and Madrid. The Spanish, who had annexed Portugal and its empire in 1580, were also loathe to permit direct contact between the pope and Kongo, and Clement VIII had died and been replaced by Pope Paul V before Ne Vunda was able to reach the Eternal City.
Pope Paul, however, was extremely eager to greet this embassy, and had arranged an elaborate protocol for Ne Vunda’s entrance during the first week of 1608. He was to be officially received in the Sala Regia at the Vatican (where the leaders and emissaries of foreign states were given papal audiences), and there was to be a procession on Jan. 6, the feast of the Magi (Epiphany). But the long trip had taken its toll, and Ne Vunda was very ill when he entered Rome on Jan. 2. He was immediately given comfortable quarters in papal apartments in the Vatican, and the great honor of a papal visit to what proved to be his deathbed. He died on the evening of Jan. 5. The Sala Regia reception – which the Spanish envoy had objected to on the grounds that the kingdom of Kongo was not an independent state but tributary to Spain – did not take place, and the Jan. 6 procession became a funerary one, though still quite splendid. Ne Vunda’s body accompanied by several members of his African entourage was brought to the great Early Christian basilica of S. Maria Maggiore rather as if his cadaver were one of the Three Kings coming to adore Mary and her Child.
Paul V immediately decided to have these events recorded visually. The sculptor Francesco Caporale was commissioned to produce a funerary bust from what must have been a death-mask; some sort of monument was already installed in S. Maria Maggiore later in 1608, though the bust in its current arrangement dates to 1629. The initial plan was to erect it in the chapel of the Presepio, but the 1629 version was placed in the Summer Choir, a chapel on the right side of the nave which now serves as the baptistry, where it is still visible.
The bust itself, in colored marble with a deep green-black stone denoting Ne Vunda’s complexion, equips him with a net-like shirt known as a nkutu, an article of clothing worn by Kongo nobles, and with a quiver of arrows. (The arrows evidently signify the arms that a person of his stature would be expected to bear, but with an exotic twist, though we are not sure if Ne Vunda himself appeared with them.)
An interesting problem here - we can find no example, or history, of Kongo people, or Africans in general, using clothing made of Fishnet.
THIS IS KUBA CLOTH!
The closest thing that we could find in "Real" cloth was this "Lace-like" Kuba cloth.
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However, we did find Africans wearing "Fishnet clothing in this "Supposed" 1740 illustration. But because this illustration cannot be authenticated, and there is no other example of such clothing, we must assume that this illustration was simply created as a part of the Ambassador story.
Could the Black man depicted in the Bust be wearing a tunic of "Scale Armor?"
Continuing:
The bearded head with its close-cropped hair and staring inlaid eyes is stiff but dignified. The use of colored marble fit the taste and techniques of the day, and also may have been prompted by familiarity with the many cameos of black Africans carved in dark stone produced in the preceding decades.
The classicizing architectural forms of the wall tomb also frame an engraved Latin inscription which makes clear the additional patronage of Urban VIII, the ruling pope in 1629. There are few European precedents for such a monument to a contemporary black African. Its creation under the auspices of two ambitious popes, Paul V and Urban VIII, and its installation in such a major Roman church, reveals how symbolically important Ne Vunda’s embassy was to a papal Church seeking to reassert both its evangelical mission and its political sovereignty. If the envoy’s unfortunate demise prevented Paul V from using him as a living component of public pageantry, the memorializing visual arts could make the same sort of statement. As the construction of the bust and tomb went forward, other related initiatives were undertaken. A medal was struck in 1608 showing a kneeling Ne Vunda, wearing a longer nkutu made of the same net-like fabric seen in the bust, pledging his fealty to Paul V, who in turn offers the envoy a benediction. The inscription reads: “and Kongo acknowledges its shepherd.”
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Because of Ne Vunda’s illness, such a ritual encounter never took place, but a fresco by G. B. Ricci in the Sala Paolina in the Vatican palace from 1610-1611 actually shows a moving event which did occur. In this scene from a series of compositions narrating the life of the pope, Paul V offers a benediction to a bedridden Ne Vunda, who clasps his hand in prayer and looks gratefully toward the pontiff. Three of the black African members of Ne Vunda’s entourage kneel and stand nearby, showing their appreciation of this exceptional papal visit.
To further broadcast news of Ne Vunda’s embassy and death – which were also extensively reported in European diplomatic dispatches – at least two engravings approved by the papal authorities appeared in 1608. One, designed by Guillermus Du Mortier, depicts Ne Vunda with the netted nkutu shirt and quiver, as he appears in the funerary bust, although here he also holds a bow and arrow in one hand.
In the other engraving Ne Vunda is shown in elegant European dress and holds a document, presumably a letter from King Alvaro II to the pope. Six small scenes of his departure, arduous travel by land and sea, arrival in Rome, deathbed papal visit and funeral procession are also included.
We know that foreign dignitaries visiting the pope were often required to wear prescribed courtly garments, but there is also evidence that European dress had already been adopted by some members of the Kongo elite. The elaborate inscription on this engraving notes at the end that black Africans often wear next to nothing, but that Ne Vunda chose to wear European dress for his visit to Rome. In any case, it is fascinating that printmakers perceived there was an audience for Ne Vunda’s likeness in both forms of dress, which speaks to one of the paradoxical elements of the envoy’s appeal: that he was both immeasurably foreign – coming from 8,000 miles away according to one observer – and in his Christianity and loyalty to the pope reassuringly attached to European culture. There is a further Roman depiction of Ne Vunda which in many ways is even more significant than those already considered, though it is part of a fresco decoration with many other components. The papal summer palace of the Quirinal (now the residence of the Italian president) was built in 1573, and Paul V had a new wing constructed beginning in 1606. In 1616-1617 one of the most imposing rooms of this new zone, the Sala Regia, was frescoed by a team of painters, in cluding Giovanni Lanfranco, Carlo Saraceni, and Agostino Tassi. Like the Sala Regia in the Vatican – where Ne Vunda had been scheduled to meet formally with the pope – this room was a ceremonial space for the pope to receive rulers and envoys of sovereign states.
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The elaborate faux architecture of the frescoes emphasized a series of eight balconies, each packed with a dynamic group of representatives of distant nations. One of these balconies is dominated by Antonio Manuel Ne Vunda, instantly recognizable from his likeness in the 1608 engravings and Caporale’s bust. Flanked by two young European courtiers, he gazes down toward one end of the floor of the room, while his right hand points downward in the opposite direction, as if gesturally encouraging a group of envoys to make their obeisance to an enthroned pope. His mouth is open, as if he is speaking such encouragement as well. Ne Vunda wears simple clothing of European type, and in fact his group is the only one of the eight not to show some hint of exotic dress or adornment; perhaps his complexion was sufficient in this regard. But, remarkably, Ne Vunda is far from being the only person of color in the room’s frescoes.
Other dark-skinned figures appear on three more of the balconies, so that fully half of the groups include characters with dark complexions. The clearest and most distinguished of these three is a powerfully built man with deep brown skin and African features and hair who dominates his balcony. He has a furious expression but a calm pose, and points to one end of the room. His simple but voluminous yellow robe might almost be antique in design, but under it there appears a greenish garment with a net-like design (nkutu) similar to that worn by Ne Vunda in Caporale’s bust and Du Mortier’s engraving. The five figures around him are all light-skinned. While it is conceivable, given the fabric worn by the African, that he was intended as another emissary from Kongo, a 1677 history of the popes indicates that the room’s frescoes included an ambassador from the Christian emperor of Ethiopia, and he is a plausible candidate for this role.
The Iberian Union - The Portuguese succession crisis
The Portuguese succession crisis of 1580 came about as a result of the death of young King Sebastian I of Portugal in the Battle of Alcácer Quibir in 1578. As Sebastian had no immediate heirs, this event prompted a dynastic crisis, with internal and external battles between several pretenders to the Portuguese throne; in addition, because Sebastian's body was never found, several impostors emerged over the next several years claiming to be the young king, further confusing the situation. Ultimately, Philip II of Spain gained control of the country, uniting Castile, Portugal and Aragon along with their respective colonial possessions into the Iberian Union, a personal union that would last for 60 years. With this, what had been the Portuguese Empire became part of the Spanish Empire.
The Habsburg king Philip II, son of Charles V, Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire, was the only element in common between the multiple kingdoms and territories of the consolidated Empires.
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Now for what really happened, and the source of that made-up story about the mythical Ambassador Ne Funda/Vunda etc.Posts: 22721 | Registered: Oct 2005
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From: BIBLIOTECA UNIVERSITY, ARIA DI GENOVA
Duarte Lopes Portuguese trader to Congo and Angola who wrote one of the earliest descriptions of Central Africa. Lopez first left Portugal for the Congo in April 1578, sailing on his uncle’s trading vessel. After a stay of several years, and having accumulated some wealth through his enterprises, he was appointed as ambassador of Alvaro II, king of the Congo, to the pope and Philip II of Spain, which at that time was unified with Portugal. The mission had originally been entrusted to SEBASTIAN DA COSTA, who had been sent to the Congo in 1580 to announce the accession of Philip and to gain the consent of Alvaro to seek out certain supposed silver mines. Da Costa was returned to Portugal, carrying a letter from Alvaro, but died on the voyage, and Duarte Lopez was appointed in his stead. As ambassador to Philip, Lopez was to offer specimens of local minerals and to open the region for free trade with Portugal and Spain, while also informing the pope of the need for missionaries. However, during his return to Portugal, Lopez was shipwrecked on the coast of Venezuela and forced to spend a year there. Although his submissions to the pope and Philip were largely ignored, Lopez was able to relate everything he knew about the Congo to Filippo Pigafetta, who had been charged with the task of collecting information about the region. The result was published by Pigafetta in 1591, although much of what it contained bordered on the fabulous. Lopez returned to the Congo in 1589, after which nothing more is heard of him.
Pigafetta’s work was translated into English by Abraham Hartwell at the request of Richard Hakluyt, into Latin by Augustin Cassiadore Reinius, and placed at the head of De Bry’s Petits Voyages. It has been suggested that the narrative was used by Daniel Defoe for his Captain Singleton. Pigafetta, Filippo [after Duarte Lopez], Relatione del Reame di Congo e della circonvicine contrade tratta dalli Scritti e ragionamente di Odoardo Lopez Portoghese... (Rome 1591; German trans. by Augustine Cassio, pub. by De Bry, Frankfurt 1597, 1609; Latin trans., pub. by De Bry, Frankfurt 1598, 1624; Dutch trans. by Martin Everart Bruges, Amsterdam 1596, 1658; English trans. by Margarite Hutchinson, London 1881 [below]) . Pigafetta, Filippo [after Duarte Lopez], A report of the kingdom of Congo, a region of Africa. And of the countries that border roundeabout the same... drawen out of the writings and discourses of Odoardo Lopez a Portingall, by Philippo Pigafetta (trans. by Abraham Hartwell, London 1597; in Samuel Purchas, Pilgrimes [London 1625]; in Thomas Osborne, A collection of voyages and travels , vol. 2 [London 1745, 2 vols]; abstract in Thomas Astley, A new general collection of voyages and travels, vol. 3 [London 1 745 - 47, 4 vols]). Hutchinson, Margarite (trans.), A report of the kingdom of Congo... drawn out of the writings and discourses of the Portuguese, Duarte Lopez, by Filippo Pigafetta , in Rome, 1591 (London 1881). Santos, Maria Emília Madeira, Viagens de explo ração terrestre dos Portugueses em África (Lisbon 1978). Defoe, Daniel, The adventures of Captain Singleton (London 1720). See PAULO DIAS for a general bibliography, and PIETER VAN DEN BROECKE for the Dutch in Angola. Cfr.: Samples from the book, Vol I - THE ENCYCLOPEDIA OF EXPLORATION by Raymond John Howgego in Hordern House.
There were no Africans in Medieval or Renaissance Europe because they were too primitive and backward. The stories about them were simply fictional people that the Europeans pretended were real
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quote:Originally posted by the lioness,: Mike's theory:
There were no Africans in Medieval or Renaissance Europe because they were too primitive and backward. The stories about them were simply fictional people that the Europeans pretended were real
I wreak your world, don't I.
He,he,he,he,he: Gonna keep wreaking the world of you lying Albinos and Mulattoes.
Real Africans in medieval Europe will have real stories that sound real, and are actually plausible. Chances are, they will also look like Africans as far as dress is concerned. Because you know what, people in those times were not dumb, they knew that artwork needed ways to identify the subject - paraphernalia was one way of doing that.
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Real Africans in medieval Europe will have real stories that sound real, and are actually plausible. Chances are, they will also look like Africans as far as dress is concerned.
quote:Originally posted by Mike111: ^Lioness - Please note the look of this painting, which is from about the same time as that silly Kongo Ambassador story.
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Mike, fool, half of Africa was co-opted by the Muslims the other half by Christians. The man above is dressed in clothes that come from the Arabian peninsula;a not Africa
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^You sorry rotted cunt, one more nonsensical post and I will shut down until I can get ausar to delete your nonsense.
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If an African was going to have his portrait done in European style, wouldn't he also want to still look like an African? Of which I am sure, he would be very proud.
Said to be: Garcia II Nkanga a Lukeni a Nzenze a Ntumba, also known as Garcia Afonso for short, ruled the Kingdom of Kongo from 1641 to 1661; he is sometimes considered Kongo's greatest king for his religious piety and his near expulsion of the Portuguese from Angola.
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^As a reminder, this nonsense story of the Kongo Ambassador is taken from the Book: The Image of the Black in Western Art III part 1. Edited by David Bindman, Karen C. C. Dalton, Henry Louis Gates.
Am I the only one who is shocked and appalled that Skippy Gates does "NO" research, but merely repeats what the Albinos tell him.
quote:
Skippy with president Clinton.
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I dunno, maybe it's just me.Posts: 22721 | Registered: Oct 2005
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Mike you are being very unappreciative of the fact that I am the only one replying to this thread.
What is remarkable here how ignorant you are of the historical context of the Portugese in Africa, missionaries and the concept of puppets of the colonists. This photo kills your whole dumb theory:
Yes some Africans leaders dressed like Europeans and most still do today
quote:Originally posted by the lioness,: Mike you are being very unappreciative of the fact that I am the only one replying to this thread.
I suspect that most, especially the Africans, are simply embarrassed that they fell for that stupid Albino lie.
I take satisfaction in knowing that I warned them many times before, that it made no sense, and was a lie.
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